Issues and Challenges Of Female Labour Migration
Issues and Challenges Of Female Labour Migration
*Dr.P.Shanmukha Rao **Dr.N.V.S.Suryanarayana
Introduction
Globalisation has increased participation of women in the labour market and subsequent gain in economic autonomy. Governments, across the world, have introduced a variety of measures that address women.s economic and social rights, equal access to and control over economic resources and equality in employment. Other measures include the ratification of international labour conventions as well as enacting or strengthening legislation to make it compatible with these conventions. There is increased awareness of the need to reconcile employment and family responsibilities and the positive effect of such measures as maternity and paternity leave and also parental leave, and child and family care services and benefits. Some nations have made provisions to address discriminatory and abusive behaviour in the workplace and to prevent unhealthy working conditions, and have established funding mechanisms to promote women's roles in entrepreneurship, education and training, including scientific and technical skills and decision-making.
According to United Nations Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Whole of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly in 2000, the importance of a gender perspective in the development of macroeconomic policy is still not widely recognized. The basic moto of global market is the use of scarce resources for maximum benefit crossing the national boarders. This causes not only the flow of raw materials, but also flow of human resources also across the globe. Identifying that a human labour can be best utilized when they are along with family, many producers started opting married couples.
This has changed our perception of international migration, which was, predominantly a male phenomenon during the large labour movements of the 60s and 70s in Europe and the US, with women and children following in secondary waves of family reunification in the 1980s and1990s. But by the 1990s, women were migrating in far higher numbers, both as family members and independently, voluntarily or involuntarily (Khachani, 2001; Sorensen, 2004). In Asia and Africa, more women have become primary wage earners in domestic and cleaning jobs, child rearing, care of the elderly, and as nurses and hospital aides (UN World Survey, 1999).
Many of the software companies prefer husband and wife together to be worked in the same firm. Many of the educational institutions in gulf nations are also ready to offer teaching job to couples. This has resulted in equal distribution gender among migrants and there by helped women labourers to be more active in the labour market.
In situations where women have been historically repressed or discriminated under a patriarchal division of labor, globalization have liberating consequences. The most notable effect of globalisation is that it increased mobility of women labourers across the global market. Global migration of women labourers created a new set of opportunities as well as challenges.
Researches on Female Migration: An outline:
Over the years the literature on migration has grown in volume and variety in response to the unfolding complexities of migratory processes. Though women's employment oriented migration is on the increase, only few studies discuss the movement of women in detail especially in relation to poverty. The work of Connell et al (1976) the earliest of the studies in migration contains a detailed discussion on women's migration. Fernandez-Kelly (1983) and Khoo (1984) concentrate on women and work both migrant and non-migrant in the world's labour force. They discuss the problem in the wider context of problem of feminisation of the work force , de-skilling and devaluation of manufacturing work. In recent literature female migration is linked to gender specific patterns of labour demand in cities. In both South East Asian and Latin American cities plenty of opportunities are available to women in the services and industrial sectors especially with the rise of export processing in these regions. (Fernandez –Kelly 1983, Hayzer 1982, Khoo 1984 and studies on South East Asian Labour migration) It has been established that women are no longer mere passive movers who followed the household head (Fawcett et al 1984, Rao 1986) . In fact daughters are sent to towns to work as domestic servants (Arizpe 1981) . From an early age girls become economically independent living on their own in the cities and sending remittances home. This kind of move has been characterised by Veena Thadani and Michael Todaro (1984) as ‘autonomous female migration ‘and has resulted in Thadani-Todaro model of migration 4 However studies indicate that the independent movement of young women in South Asia and Middle East as labour migrants is very rare and associated with derogatory status connotations. (Connell et al 1976, Fawcett et al 1984).
But with trade liberalization and new economic policies , gender specific labour demand has motivated many young Asian women to join the migration streams in groups or with their families to "cash- in" the opportunity. Kabeer (2000) in her study finds Bangladeshi women (with a long tradition of female seclusion) taking up jobs in garment factories and joining the labour markets of Middle East and South East Asian Countries. A study of 387 female labour migrants from South East Asia, Thailand, the Philippines and China finds positive impacts on women. (Chantavanich 2001).
Another research (Gamburd 2000) concludes that despite some unpleasant situations, none of the women she interviewed felt that the risks of going abroad outweighed the benefits. Recent migration research shows that female migrants consitute roughly half of all internal migrants in developing countries. In some regions they even predominate men. (Hugo 1993) In India with the entry of more and more young women in the export processing zones , market segmentation is being accentuated , female dominant jobs are being devalued , degraded and least paid. Though this does not augur well with women development it has not deterred women from contributing to family survival and studies are not wanting which highlight that it is women who settle down in the labour market as flower/fruit vendors , domestic servants and allow the men to find a suitable job leisurely or improve their skill. (Shanthi .K.1993)
Migration and Gender
The gender distribution among migrants today is reasonably balanced, with almost 50 percent of the global migrant population today being female, although the increase has been mainly in the developed world. Between 1970 and 2000 the numbers declined in Asia (46.6% to 43.3%) and North America (51.1% to 50.3%), but rose in Africa 42.7% to 46.7%), Oceania (46.5% to 50.5%), Latin America and the Caribbean (46.8% to 50.2%) and Europe (48% to 51%). But these statistics on recorded migrant populations do not reveal the true numbers of movements, particularly within countries and regions. We do know that in most developing regions more females are migrating independently, i.e. not just as dependants or family members, and more are making a difference for development (Sorensen, 2004).
In the late 1990s, one million Filipinas, 500,000 Indonesian women and 40,000 Thai women were working outside their countries, and these numbers have since grown (IOM, 2005a). In the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka, female migrants account for 60-80 percent of their labour migrants (IOM, 2005a): 73 percent for the Philippines and Indonesia in 2002; and currently two-thirds of overseas contract workers for Sri Lanka (ibid).
Earlier studies in migration have ignored the role of women. The presence of women was usually attached to family reunification, hence dependent upon the husband. Current trends, however, show that women are migrating independently. New migratory flows are no longer male-dominated. There is a growing demand for female labour and new social needs have created a demand for services in which only immigrant women are prepared to work. Observers are keeping close watch at the feminization of migration.
Some issues
In many countries, it is migration law that predominantly covers migrant workers, not labour laws, which can be particularly problematic for female migrants. The low status of women's jobs means lower wages and conditions, and while men in lower end jobs are also subject to these, women are susceptible to the additional gender-specific forms of physical and sexual exploitation (ILO, 2004, UNGA, 2004). This can have serious health consequences, which in some countries can lead to termination of the contract and expulsion of the worker (ibid).
In the Gulf Cooperation Council countries (especially UAE) the "kafala" sponsorship system places many foreign domestic workers, mostly females, in indentured situations, where the sponsor holds their papers, secures piece work with several employers, and charges the migrant for the sponsorship services. The women are isolated, and their movements restricted. In Kuwait, sponsors often allow the women's visa to expire, or sell them to other employers, in breach of visa conditions; and the workers find themselves outside the law (ILO, 2004). These circumstances can reduce the women's capacity to earn reasonable wages and to remit them to the family.
In the UAE, the domestic worker sector is not covered by labour law, which means that female migrant worker situations are only considered under laws relating to migration control and security, mostly focused on the illegality of the migrants rather than the illegal practices of employers and middlemen (ibid). Under these conditions, labour mediation flourishes at the clandestine level. Where recruiters sign contracts with sponsors that may itemize the responsibility of employers towards the migrant worker, these mostly just safeguard the legal and business interests of the agency, with little monitoring of the treatment of the migrants (see the Lebanon example in ILO, 2004). In the UAE, recruiting agencies may be licensed by the local government, but are not closely monitored. As a result, some migrant workers do not even have a contract, a situation the UAE government has been attempting to address (ibid).
The enormous income disparities between these countries and the home country compel many migrants to continue to make the trade-off between income vs rights. The wages may be low by destination country standards, but generally are at least 4-5 times higher than at home. For Indians in the Gulf Countries, their income at gulf nations are 100 times higher than that they can earn from India (ILO, 2004). Nevertheless, many women do not make it back home again. They remain as the most disappointed and desperate group in terms of family and personal life, which may even lead them to suicide. For example, ILO has reported on suicides among Sri Lankan domestic workers (1997) and Ethiopian domestic workers in Lebanon.
The Philippines government addresses these problems through compulsory information and counseling of migrants before they leave, and through the vigorous activities of its labour attaches abroad, both in assisting the migrants and advocating for higher wages and conditions. These efforts, coupled with sound training and education of the Filipino workers, has ensured some of the highest wages for Filipinos in countries such as Singapore and UAE (ILO, 2004).
With growing urbanization, female migrants are also major victims of the increasing lawlessness and human rights abuse in some developing countries (e.g. Bangladesh (Afsar, 2003). In Nepal, one of the poorest countries in the world, high numbers of women and children are trafficked within and out of the country, and there is a high prevalence of AIDS among them (UNESCAP, 2003c).
Migrant women are vulnerable to gender-related violence like rape, sexual harassment and physical abuse. One other serious global problem is trafficking in women. Yet, how serious are governments in dealing with this problem? Migration is very much in the core of trafficking in women - in the entertainment industry, domestic workers, child prostitutes - all of which violate fundamental human rights.
Conclusion
The seriousness of the problems of migrated female labourers should be discussed at the international level. The global market has recognized the potential of female labourers. This has resulted massive movement of women from one nation to other, both along with family as well as individually. The important economic contribution by migrant women, particularly the invisible work of the domestic helpers, must be recognized. Migrant women should enjoy the same privileges and opportunities as other women in the same society. The gender-agenda should be top priority in shaping migration politics. As the proverb says, "if we want to change the world, change the women".
References
10. Heyzer.N. (1982) ‘From Rural Subsistence to an Industrial Peripheral Workforce: An Examination of Female Malaysian Migrants and Capital Accumulation in Singapore' in L.Baneria (ed)' Women and Development' Praeger for IlO, Geneva.
11. Fawcett.J.T.,Khoo.S. & Smith P.C. (1984)'Women in the Cities of Asia:Migration and Urban Adaptation ‘ Westview Press Boulder Colorado.
12. Rao. M.S.A. (1986) (Ed) Studies in Differentiation: Internal and International Migration in India , Manohar Publications New Delhi,
13. Arizpe,Lourdes (1981) ‘Relay Migration and the Survival of the Peasant Household' (ed) Jorge Balan ‘Why People Move' UNESCO Press, Paris.
14. Thadani .V. & Todaro .M. (1984) ‘Female Migration : A Conceptual Framework' in Fawcett et al (1984).
*Dr.P.Shanmukha Rao **Dr.N.V.S.Suryanarayana
Introduction
Globalisation has increased participation of women in the labour market and subsequent gain in economic autonomy. Governments, across the world, have introduced a variety of measures that address women.s economic and social rights, equal access to and control over economic resources and equality in employment. Other measures include the ratification of international labour conventions as well as enacting or strengthening legislation to make it compatible with these conventions. There is increased awareness of the need to reconcile employment and family responsibilities and the positive effect of such measures as maternity and paternity leave and also parental leave, and child and family care services and benefits. Some nations have made provisions to address discriminatory and abusive behaviour in the workplace and to prevent unhealthy working conditions, and have established funding mechanisms to promote women's roles in entrepreneurship, education and training, including scientific and technical skills and decision-making.
According to United Nations Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Whole of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly in 2000, the importance of a gender perspective in the development of macroeconomic policy is still not widely recognized. The basic moto of global market is the use of scarce resources for maximum benefit crossing the national boarders. This causes not only the flow of raw materials, but also flow of human resources also across the globe. Identifying that a human labour can be best utilized when they are along with family, many producers started opting married couples.
This has changed our perception of international migration, which was, predominantly a male phenomenon during the large labour movements of the 60s and 70s in Europe and the US, with women and children following in secondary waves of family reunification in the 1980s and1990s. But by the 1990s, women were migrating in far higher numbers, both as family members and independently, voluntarily or involuntarily (Khachani, 2001; Sorensen, 2004). In Asia and Africa, more women have become primary wage earners in domestic and cleaning jobs, child rearing, care of the elderly, and as nurses and hospital aides (UN World Survey, 1999).
Many of the software companies prefer husband and wife together to be worked in the same firm. Many of the educational institutions in gulf nations are also ready to offer teaching job to couples. This has resulted in equal distribution gender among migrants and there by helped women labourers to be more active in the labour market.
In situations where women have been historically repressed or discriminated under a patriarchal division of labor, globalization have liberating consequences. The most notable effect of globalisation is that it increased mobility of women labourers across the global market. Global migration of women labourers created a new set of opportunities as well as challenges.
Researches on Female Migration: An outline:
Over the years the literature on migration has grown in volume and variety in response to the unfolding complexities of migratory processes. Though women's employment oriented migration is on the increase, only few studies discuss the movement of women in detail especially in relation to poverty. The work of Connell et al (1976) the earliest of the studies in migration contains a detailed discussion on women's migration. Fernandez-Kelly (1983) and Khoo (1984) concentrate on women and work both migrant and non-migrant in the world's labour force. They discuss the problem in the wider context of problem of feminisation of the work force , de-skilling and devaluation of manufacturing work. In recent literature female migration is linked to gender specific patterns of labour demand in cities. In both South East Asian and Latin American cities plenty of opportunities are available to women in the services and industrial sectors especially with the rise of export processing in these regions. (Fernandez –Kelly 1983, Hayzer 1982, Khoo 1984 and studies on South East Asian Labour migration) It has been established that women are no longer mere passive movers who followed the household head (Fawcett et al 1984, Rao 1986) . In fact daughters are sent to towns to work as domestic servants (Arizpe 1981) . From an early age girls become economically independent living on their own in the cities and sending remittances home. This kind of move has been characterised by Veena Thadani and Michael Todaro (1984) as ‘autonomous female migration ‘and has resulted in Thadani-Todaro model of migration 4 However studies indicate that the independent movement of young women in South Asia and Middle East as labour migrants is very rare and associated with derogatory status connotations. (Connell et al 1976, Fawcett et al 1984).
But with trade liberalization and new economic policies , gender specific labour demand has motivated many young Asian women to join the migration streams in groups or with their families to "cash- in" the opportunity. Kabeer (2000) in her study finds Bangladeshi women (with a long tradition of female seclusion) taking up jobs in garment factories and joining the labour markets of Middle East and South East Asian Countries. A study of 387 female labour migrants from South East Asia, Thailand, the Philippines and China finds positive impacts on women. (Chantavanich 2001).
Another research (Gamburd 2000) concludes that despite some unpleasant situations, none of the women she interviewed felt that the risks of going abroad outweighed the benefits. Recent migration research shows that female migrants consitute roughly half of all internal migrants in developing countries. In some regions they even predominate men. (Hugo 1993) In India with the entry of more and more young women in the export processing zones , market segmentation is being accentuated , female dominant jobs are being devalued , degraded and least paid. Though this does not augur well with women development it has not deterred women from contributing to family survival and studies are not wanting which highlight that it is women who settle down in the labour market as flower/fruit vendors , domestic servants and allow the men to find a suitable job leisurely or improve their skill. (Shanthi .K.1993)
Migration and Gender
The gender distribution among migrants today is reasonably balanced, with almost 50 percent of the global migrant population today being female, although the increase has been mainly in the developed world. Between 1970 and 2000 the numbers declined in Asia (46.6% to 43.3%) and North America (51.1% to 50.3%), but rose in Africa 42.7% to 46.7%), Oceania (46.5% to 50.5%), Latin America and the Caribbean (46.8% to 50.2%) and Europe (48% to 51%). But these statistics on recorded migrant populations do not reveal the true numbers of movements, particularly within countries and regions. We do know that in most developing regions more females are migrating independently, i.e. not just as dependants or family members, and more are making a difference for development (Sorensen, 2004).
In the late 1990s, one million Filipinas, 500,000 Indonesian women and 40,000 Thai women were working outside their countries, and these numbers have since grown (IOM, 2005a). In the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka, female migrants account for 60-80 percent of their labour migrants (IOM, 2005a): 73 percent for the Philippines and Indonesia in 2002; and currently two-thirds of overseas contract workers for Sri Lanka (ibid).
Earlier studies in migration have ignored the role of women. The presence of women was usually attached to family reunification, hence dependent upon the husband. Current trends, however, show that women are migrating independently. New migratory flows are no longer male-dominated. There is a growing demand for female labour and new social needs have created a demand for services in which only immigrant women are prepared to work. Observers are keeping close watch at the feminization of migration.
Some issues
In many countries, it is migration law that predominantly covers migrant workers, not labour laws, which can be particularly problematic for female migrants. The low status of women's jobs means lower wages and conditions, and while men in lower end jobs are also subject to these, women are susceptible to the additional gender-specific forms of physical and sexual exploitation (ILO, 2004, UNGA, 2004). This can have serious health consequences, which in some countries can lead to termination of the contract and expulsion of the worker (ibid).
In the Gulf Cooperation Council countries (especially UAE) the "kafala" sponsorship system places many foreign domestic workers, mostly females, in indentured situations, where the sponsor holds their papers, secures piece work with several employers, and charges the migrant for the sponsorship services. The women are isolated, and their movements restricted. In Kuwait, sponsors often allow the women's visa to expire, or sell them to other employers, in breach of visa conditions; and the workers find themselves outside the law (ILO, 2004). These circumstances can reduce the women's capacity to earn reasonable wages and to remit them to the family.
In the UAE, the domestic worker sector is not covered by labour law, which means that female migrant worker situations are only considered under laws relating to migration control and security, mostly focused on the illegality of the migrants rather than the illegal practices of employers and middlemen (ibid). Under these conditions, labour mediation flourishes at the clandestine level. Where recruiters sign contracts with sponsors that may itemize the responsibility of employers towards the migrant worker, these mostly just safeguard the legal and business interests of the agency, with little monitoring of the treatment of the migrants (see the Lebanon example in ILO, 2004). In the UAE, recruiting agencies may be licensed by the local government, but are not closely monitored. As a result, some migrant workers do not even have a contract, a situation the UAE government has been attempting to address (ibid).
The enormous income disparities between these countries and the home country compel many migrants to continue to make the trade-off between income vs rights. The wages may be low by destination country standards, but generally are at least 4-5 times higher than at home. For Indians in the Gulf Countries, their income at gulf nations are 100 times higher than that they can earn from India (ILO, 2004). Nevertheless, many women do not make it back home again. They remain as the most disappointed and desperate group in terms of family and personal life, which may even lead them to suicide. For example, ILO has reported on suicides among Sri Lankan domestic workers (1997) and Ethiopian domestic workers in Lebanon.
The Philippines government addresses these problems through compulsory information and counseling of migrants before they leave, and through the vigorous activities of its labour attaches abroad, both in assisting the migrants and advocating for higher wages and conditions. These efforts, coupled with sound training and education of the Filipino workers, has ensured some of the highest wages for Filipinos in countries such as Singapore and UAE (ILO, 2004).
With growing urbanization, female migrants are also major victims of the increasing lawlessness and human rights abuse in some developing countries (e.g. Bangladesh (Afsar, 2003). In Nepal, one of the poorest countries in the world, high numbers of women and children are trafficked within and out of the country, and there is a high prevalence of AIDS among them (UNESCAP, 2003c).
Migrant women are vulnerable to gender-related violence like rape, sexual harassment and physical abuse. One other serious global problem is trafficking in women. Yet, how serious are governments in dealing with this problem? Migration is very much in the core of trafficking in women - in the entertainment industry, domestic workers, child prostitutes - all of which violate fundamental human rights.
Conclusion
The seriousness of the problems of migrated female labourers should be discussed at the international level. The global market has recognized the potential of female labourers. This has resulted massive movement of women from one nation to other, both along with family as well as individually. The important economic contribution by migrant women, particularly the invisible work of the domestic helpers, must be recognized. Migrant women should enjoy the same privileges and opportunities as other women in the same society. The gender-agenda should be top priority in shaping migration politics. As the proverb says, "if we want to change the world, change the women".
References
- Battistella, G. & Paganoni, A. (1992). Philippine Labor Migration. Q.C. Philippines: Scalabrini Migration Center
- Cohen, Robin. (ed.) (1996). Theories of Migration. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd.
- Huess, Ralf. (1987) Die Ökonomik der Migration. Universität Köln
- Leacock, E. & Safa, H., et al. (1986). Women's Work. Masschusetts: Bergin & Garvey Publishers, Inc.
- Opitz, Peter. (1997) Der Globale Marsch. München: Beck
- Connell.J.B. Das Gupta,Laish Ley& M.Lipton(1976) ‘Migration from Rural Areas:The
- Evidence from Village Studies, Oxford University Press,New Delhi.
- Fernandez-Kelly & Maria Patricia (1983) ‘Mexican Border, Industrialisation ,Female Labour Force Participation and Migration' in June Nash, Maria Patricia & Fernandex-Kelly (ed)'Women, Men and International Division of Labour' State University of New York Press, Albany, New York pp 205-223.
- Khoo Siew-Ean (1984) ‘Urbanward Migration and Employment of Women in South East and East Asian Cities: Patterns and Policy Issues' in Gavin W.Jones (ed)' Women in the Urban and Industrial Workforce:' Southeast and East Asia Development Studies Centre Monograph No 33 Australian National University Canberra pp 277-292.
10. Heyzer.N. (1982) ‘From Rural Subsistence to an Industrial Peripheral Workforce: An Examination of Female Malaysian Migrants and Capital Accumulation in Singapore' in L.Baneria (ed)' Women and Development' Praeger for IlO, Geneva.
11. Fawcett.J.T.,Khoo.S. & Smith P.C. (1984)'Women in the Cities of Asia:Migration and Urban Adaptation ‘ Westview Press Boulder Colorado.
12. Rao. M.S.A. (1986) (Ed) Studies in Differentiation: Internal and International Migration in India , Manohar Publications New Delhi,
13. Arizpe,Lourdes (1981) ‘Relay Migration and the Survival of the Peasant Household' (ed) Jorge Balan ‘Why People Move' UNESCO Press, Paris.
14. Thadani .V. & Todaro .M. (1984) ‘Female Migration : A Conceptual Framework' in Fawcett et al (1984).
